CJCC - Criminal Justice Subcommittee — Agenda Packet
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CJCC- Criminal Justice Subcommittee Agenda
June 15, 2026 12:00 PM
St. Croix County Government Center - Room 2100
Government Center - 1101 Carmichael Road, Hudson, Wisconsin
Call to Order
Roll Call
Approval of Minutes
1. Minutes of Previous Meeting - April 13, 2026
Public Comment
Business
1. Court Navigation Updates.
2. Testing Updates.
3. Domestic Violence Court Updates.
4. Discussion Surrounding Pretrial Conditions in a Stipulated Resolution.
5. Discussion on Counsel at First Appearance Guide.
Request for Future Agenda Items
Announcements
Date of Next Meeting
1. Date of Next Meeting - August 17, 2026
Adjournment
Reasonable efforts will be made to provide special accommodations for access to public meetings. To request a special
accommodation, please contact the County Clerk’s Office at (715) 386-4600 at least two business days prior to the time of the
meeting. For more information on St. Croix County's public meetings visit: sccwi.gov/meetings
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CJCC- Criminal Justice Subcommittee Minutes
April 13, 2026 12:00 PM
St. Croix County Government Center - Room 2100
Government Center - 1101 Carmichael Road, Hudson, Wisconsin
Call to Order
Roll Call
PRESENT: Karl Anderson, Bob Feidler, Shelby Hilden, Craig Hooyman, Joseph Kormanik, Natalie Radich, Kristi
Severson, Michael Waterman, Gordon Young,
ABSENT: Stephanie Schmidt,
Approval of Minutes
1. Minutes of Previous Meeting - February 9, 2026
Public Comment
Business
1. Introduction of new pretrial case manager.
Pretrial Program Supervisor Hilden introduced Ashley Dobbs as the new pretrial case manager.
2. Discussion surrounding the use of bond reports.
Judge Waterman indicated that testing for pretrial clients can be suspended while the person is in residential or
inpatient treatment.
3. Bond language discussion related to the firearm surrender policy.
Discussion surrounding best practices for surrendering a firearm within an allotted time frame.
4. Pretrial and jail staff communication considerations.
Discussion surrounding preferred methods for communication between jail and pretrial staff.
5. Domestic violence court discussion.
Judge Waterman opened a discussion surrounding the domestic violence docket heard by Judge Smestad.
Request for Future Agenda Items
Discussion of the Adult Treatment Court.
Announcements
Date of Next Meeting
1. Date of Next Meeting - June 15, 2026
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Adjournment
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Counsel at First
Appearance
PRACTICE GUIDE
December 2023
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About APPR
Advancing Pretrial Policy and Research seeks to achieve fair, just,
and equitable pretrial practices that positively impact people,
systems, and the community. APPR’s mission is to support and
engage pretrial professionals and community members in the
meaningful delivery of data-informed pretrial justice. APPR is
managed by the Center for Effective Public Policy and supported
by Arnold Ventures.
The Center for Effective Public Policy (cepp.com) leads APPR’s technical
assistance, training, resource development, and website management
(advancingpretrial.org).
This practice guide was developed in partnership with the Center for Justice
Innovation (innovatingjustice.org).
© 2023 Center for Effective Public Policy
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Contents
Introduction 1
About This Guide 2
The Harms of Pretrial Detention: A Summary of the Research 2
Best Practices for Counsel at First Appearance 3
Timing: Appoint Defense Counsel Before Initial Appearance 4
Attorney–Client Communication: Ensure That Attorneys Have
Private Access to Their Clients Before First Appearance 4
Discoverable Information: Give Defense Attorneys Access to
Case Documents Before the Initial Appearance 5
Adversarial Arguments: Hear Arguments from Both Sides 5
Format: Conduct First Appearances in Person, Whenever
Possible, to Increase Fairness 6
Key Considerations for Implementing Best Practices 6
Resources 7
Stakeholder Collaboration 7
Cross-Agency Document Access 8
The Case for Counsel at First Appearance: What Can We Learn
from Research? 8
Key Research Finding #1: Counsel at First Appearance Can
Facilitate Higher Rates of Pretrial Release and Minimize
the Use of Financial Conditions 9
Key Research Finding #2: Non-Lawyer Advocates Can Enhance
Information Gathering and Defendant Engagement 11
Key Research Finding #3: Access to Counsel Prior to First
Appearance Shows Promise 12
Conclusion 12
Notes 13
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Introduction
The first time a person appears before a judicial officer in a criminal case is a critical moment. It is
typically called a first appearance or initial appearance,1 and it may also be combined with arraignment.
During this appearance, the judicial officer determines whether the person will be released out of
custody to return to court on their own (often referred to as “released on recognizance” or ROR),
released with nonmonetary conditions (such as in-person reporting, electronic monitoring, or house
arrest, though sometimes with associated fees), or released with financial conditions (e.g., monetary or
surety bond). In some jurisdictions, such as the District of Columbia, Illinois, New Jersey, and New
Mexico, judicial officers may also decide to hold a person for a separate detention hearing.2
Y et across the country, the first appearance is often treated as perfunctory and lasts only a minute or two.
This hearing affects people’s rights—including their right to liberty—and so it must be meaningful. Several
elements are needed to ensure that people’s rights are protected, including timeliness, presumption of
release, transparency, advisement of rights, individualization, least-restrictive conditions, and the focus of
this guide: meaningful legal representation.
Research has shown the benefits of early access
to counsel, specifically counsel at first appearance
(sometimes referred to by the acronym CAFA). It
provides the opportunity for people who are accused
to understand their rights more fully, to be apprised of
the investigative and criminal adjudicative processes,
and to discuss the possible outcomes of their decisions
with a lawyer. Access to counsel affects pretrial release
decisions, protects constitutional rights, reduces
incarceration before trial, and helps ensure that any
conditions of release are, in accordance with the law,
the least restrictive necessary. When counsel is provided
effectively for first appearance hearings, they are able to
do the following, among other things:
• prepare for the first appearance by gathering and
organizing information pertinent to arguing for their client’s pretrial liberty,
• identify any substance use or mental health concerns or other needs that require intervention
or connection to service providers, and
• support clear communication between the client, the court, and the prosecuting attorney’s
office about their client’s rights and case processes.
Defense representation gives decision makers access to the critical information they need to
determine whether someone is legally eligible for pretrial detention and, for those released,
what, if any, conditions are needed to ensure court appearance and promote community safety
and well-being.
Counsel at First Appearance
Improves Procedural Fairness
Research indicates that
access to counsel at or before
first appearance increases
procedural fairness—the
perception that the system is
legitimate and fair. This can
make people feel more engaged
in their own defense and more
willing to accept and comply
with court decisions.3
1
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About This Guide
This practice guide focuses on the impact of counsel at first appearance for people detained or
facing detention before trial. It is organized into four sections:
1. a summary of the research on the harms of pretrial detention,
2. best practices for counsel at first appearance (which covers the recommendations made by
leading organizations and experts in the field),
3. considerations when implementing those practices, and
4. research on the benefits of CAFA.
Information on other equally important features of a meaningful first appearance can be found
in resources available on Advancing Pretrial Policy and Research’s (APPR) website, including our
two-page guide to meaningful first appearance hearings and our Roadmap for Pretrial Advancement.
The Harms of Pretrial Detention:
A Summary of the Research
Pretrial detention of people facing criminal charges—people
who are legally considered innocent—has far-reaching
consequences. Unnecessary pretrial detention affects
individuals, families, and communities; increases
recidivism; and exacerbates racial and socioeconomic
disparities. These consequences underscore the
importance of detaining people carefully and
intentionally—only when they are eligible for detention
under state law, and only when it is necessary to protect
public safety or prevent flight.
As a result of myriad social and criminal legal system
factors, including disproportionate policing, people of
color have historically been overrepresented in jails and prisons, bearing the brunt of the negative
impacts of pretrial detention.4 Pretrial detention is often the result of people being unable to meet the
financial conditions of their release, especially if living in poverty, and has economic impacts such as
job loss, which decreases a person’s “working-age lifespan income” by an average of about $29,000,5
and which costs local governments nationwide nearly $14 billion.6 With greater rates of poverty
concentrated in communities of color, Black, Indigenous, and people of color not only remain behind
bars but they and their communities may also suffer economically after the conclusion of their case.
Pretrial detention harms
individuals and communities:
• It puts people who are being
held at risk of harm.
• It disproportionately impacts
communities of color and
people experiencing poverty.
• It negatively affects children.
• It increases recidivism and
worsens other case outcomes.
2
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Jails can also be overcrowded, dangerous places that leave its inhabitants victim to physical and
sexual assault, emotional harm, the exacerbation of preexisting mental illness,7 and increased risk of
suicide compared to the overall U.S. population.8 Further, having a caretaker in jail causes emotional
strain on the children of people detained pretrial, expanding the harms of pretrial detention beyond
the people behind bars to their families.9 Unfortunately, the negative impacts of pretrial detention
are seen during the pretrial phase10 and extend to the ultimate disposition of a case11 and beyond,
influencing the likelihood of a person being rearrested in the future.12
Research has shown that having effective representation at first appearance can help prevent these
sorts of harms from occurring.13
Best Practices for Counsel at
First Appearance
Experts in the field have identified best practices for counsel at first appearance. These practices
derive from the same legal principles and research that have grounded general best practices for
indigent defense services and helped shape pretrial reform efforts broadly. They provide guidance
for jurisdictions aiming to ensure that everyone facing criminal charges is effectively represented at
the earliest stages of their case.
Best Practices
Timing: Counsel should be assigned to each person’s case prior to first appearance, which should
occur within 24 hours of arrest.
Attorney–Client Communication: Clients and their attorneys should have the time and space to
openly communicate about the case prior to first appearance.
Information Sharing: Counsel should have early access to police reports and other relevant
documents so they can prepare effectively.
Adversarial Arguments: First appearances should be conducted in ways that allow both
prosecution and defense to make legal arguments.
Format: Ideally, first appearances should be conducted in person.
3
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Timing: Appoint Defense Counsel Before Initial Appearance
Assigning counsel early allows attorneys time to adequately prepare for the first appearance.14
Experts at Southern Methodist University’s Deason Center recommend that initial appearances
happen as soon as possible after arrest—and within 24 hours.15 Early appointment of counsel,
in conjunction with prompt initial appearances, ensures that people facing pretrial detention
have the greatest chance of providing a judicial officer the evidence and information that tend
to influence a release decision, such as facts related to the charges and arguments regarding a
person’s likelihood of appearing in court and remaining arrest-free.
The method of appointing counsel before a first appearance may take many forms. For example,
in San Francisco, people experiencing poverty who are arrested and accused of a crime are
connected with an attorney prior to arraignment via a specialized unit of dedicated lawyers
in the public defender’s office, allowing counsel to gather information about clients and their
cases before the appearance.16 Typically, only those who can afford to hire a private attorney
immediately after booking are represented at this stage.
More commonly, counsel is not appointed until the day of the hearing. In such situations, using the
other best practices detailed below is of utmost importance.
Attorney–Client Communication: Ensure That
Attorneys Have Private Access to Their Clients
Before First Appearance
When attorneys have private access to their clients prior to first appearance, they may maximize
the quality of their communication and focus the interaction on the following areas:
• informing their clients of their rights and the upcoming legal process;
• reviewing the allegations;
• hearing their clients’ side of the story;
• gathering information about their clients’ ability to pay money bond, if it is set; and
• gathering information helpful to arguing for their clients’ release.
Creating this dialogue and access improves the quality of representation and builds the foundation for a
meaningful first appearance. Counsel can also advise people not to make a plea at first appearance or
discuss details of their case in court—neither of which is likely to serve their clients’ interests in the long run.
Identifying dedicated space for these meetings—whether in the jail or in the courthouse—is often a
straightforward first step toward facilitating this sort of communication between attorneys and their clients.
4
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Discoverable Information:17 Give Defense Attorneys
Access to Case Documents Before the Initial Appearance
Experts highlight that, in preparation for initial appearances, defense counsels’ access to their
clients’ police reports may help “identify prosecution witnesses, theories of the case, deficiencies
in probable cause, and other factors that can influence release decisions.”18 Police reports may
also lead to insights about procedural shortcomings or reveal information likely to result in a
case’s dismissal.19 These details are critical for making arguments during first appearances and
subsequent hearings.
Adversarial Arguments: Hear Arguments from Both Sides
Judicial officers should hear arguments from the prosecution and defense to make the most informed
decisions about release status and potential release conditions.20 During first appearance hearings,
defense counsel often have limited opportunity to speak, undermining one of an attorney’s essential
functions: to advocate on behalf of their client. Allowing time for both prosecutors and defense
attorneys to make appropriate arguments at hearings paints a fuller picture for judicial officers.
In many jurisdictions, informed defense counsel provides the court’s only opportunity to learn
additional information about a person’s ability to remain at liberty while their case is pending.
Even in jurisdictions where a pretrial services agency generates a report for first appearance, an
attorney is needed to offer additional information about their client, put the facts of the case in
context, and make arguments to protect the person’s interests. Information that attorneys provide
the court may include:
• evidence that their client is not a threat to public safety;
• prosocial factors such as their client’s employment and family and community support,
demonstrating that the person will return to court without supervision; and
• the client’s ability or inability to pay any financial release conditions imposed.
Without this information, the accused person may be subject to pretrial detention or unnecessary
supervision.
5
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Format: Conduct First Appearances in Person,
Whenever Possible, to Increase Fairness
Research on the potential benefits and drawbacks of conducting court hearings virtually for people
who are detained is nascent. Some studies have shown that virtual court appearances can help
alleviate challenges related to transportation or scheduling concerns for courts and for people accused
of crime. And, virtual court appearances may be
essential in certain jurisdictions or circumstances—
particularly in rural districts or counties with
dispersed populations or limited resources. But,
virtual hearings have been shown to exacerbate
communication and comprehension difficulties for
clients, attorneys, and judicial officers, resulting in
less equitable outcomes.21
A study published in 2010 compared felony pretrial
release decisions over an eight-year period before
and after implementation of video and found
that the switch from in-person to video led to an
average increase of 51 percent in overall financial
bond amounts.22 A study of immigration courts
between 1991 and 2012 found that people whose cases were litigated using video technology were
less likely to ask for counsel and seek other forms of relief than those whose cases were heard in
person, resulting in higher rates of deportation.23
If first appearance hearings must be conducted virtually, courts should be vigilant and adhere to
guidelines and best practices produced by numerous system and community stakeholders.24
Key Considerations for
Implementing Best Practices
The practices described above will not succeed without sufficient stakeholder engagement,
cooperation, and, of course, funding. Adequate human and financial resources are necessary to
operationalize the best practices outlined above, and cooperation from the range of stakeholders
involved in criminal court practice is essential to implementing them.
Virtual Court Hearings May Exacerbate
Barriers and Negative Outcomes
Court appearances conducted by
video have been shown to heighten
communication and comprehension
difficulties, reduce meaningful
interaction between people and their
defense counsel, and result in higher
bond amounts, leading to increased
detention.
6
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Key Considerations
Resources: Staffing, transportation, and physical space may need to be improved or developed to
allow for counsel at first appearance for all cases.
Stakeholder Collaboration: Buy-in and support from all agencies and relevant communities is
important for mapping the first appearance process and creating policies and practices that help
ensure that counsel is present, informed, and effective.
Cross-Agency Document Access: Systems and protocols must be implemented to ensure that
defense counsel is aware of and has access to all information that law enforcement agencies and
the courts collect about each case.
Resources
Resources are necessary to ensure that indigent defense systems have enough attorneys to cover
initial appearances during regular and nontraditional business hours. In rural areas, jurisdictions
will need to consider where and when initial appearances will take place, as well as the other
logistical needs for these hearings. For example, if initial appearances happen at a particular county
courthouse, those who work in the jurisdiction must consider how people who have been arrested
can travel—and afford the cost of traveling—from a precinct or sheriff’s office to the designated
location. Courthouses may need to hire more administrative, security, and clerical staff to guarantee
that the process runs smoothly and safely. In addition, courts may need to consider infrastructure
changes if their space does not afford attorneys the necessary privacy to meet with their clients
before hearings. Without resources, it may be difficult to develop the systems, create or outfit
the spaces, and/or supply the staff necessary to provide meaningful counsel at first appearance.
But, in considering the resources necessary for this effort, stakeholders should bear in mind that
providing counsel at first appearance may save money in other ways, such as by reducing pretrial
incarceration and shortening the average time to case resolution.
Stakeholder Collaboration
Ensuring counsel at first appearance requires the participation of many criminal legal system
stakeholders. This means that stakeholder cooperation and buy-in are critical. Representatives
from across the system, including the judiciary, defense bar, prosecuting attorney’s office, sheriff’s
office, detention centers, and court administration, along with impacted people in the jurisdiction,
should work together to plan and engage in a strategic case-process analysis. The aim is to
better understand the current process, how it will need to change in order to provide meaningful
representation at first appearance, and the roles each agency will play in it.25
7
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Cross-Agency Document Access
Sharing discoverable information with all stakeholders involved in the initial appearance requires
money and cooperation. To distribute case documents in the early stages of a case, jurisdictions
need to consider the technology available to law enforcement offices and courthouses, and what
upgrades may be needed to share information across agencies. Understanding what information
is collected, when it is collected, how it is collected, and where it is stored, and being clear about
the need for all stakeholders to have access to that information, creates an opportunity for the
jurisdiction to develop systems and protocols that support document access for implementing
counsel at first appearance.
The Case for Counsel at First
Appearance: What Can We Learn
from Research?
Although the effects of counsel at first appearance have not
been as well researched as other pretrial topics, several
rigorous studies since the 1980s can better inform the
practice. To measure the impact of having counsel on
outcomes of interest (such as conditions of release,
amounts of financial conditions, and pretrial detention
rates), researchers have typically compared cases in
which an attorney was present at first appearance to
cases in which an attorney was appointed later. The types
of research designs that have been used include quasi-
experimental designs to study shifts pre- and post-policy
change and randomized control trials.
Although each study discussed below has limitations,
as all studies do, the convergence of findings across different research methods and jurisdictions
supports the claim that providing defense representation earlier in the process yields better
outcomes. However, as noted earlier, counsel at first appearance is but one factor that can make
these hearings meaningful. Readers are encouraged to interpret these findings as part of the
bigger picture. In other words, researchers can isolate and measure the impact of counsel at
first appearance, but those results may be influenced by the policy and practice context of each
jurisdiction or “laboratory” in which a study is conducted.
Meaningful representation at
first appearance:
• decreases the likelihood of
pretrial detention,
• decreases the use of financial
conditions of release,
• provides decision makers with
access to critical information,
and
• creates an avenue for
supportive services.
8
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Randomized Control Trials
Randomized control trials, or RCTs, are the “gold standard” in research design.
In RCTs, researchers create two separate, randomly assigned groups from the
eligible population: one that receives the intervention (counsel at first appearance
in the studies discussed below) and a control group that does not. This allows
researchers to rule out alternative explanations for any measurable impacts.
Key Research Finding #1: Counsel at First Appearance
Can Facilitate Higher Rates of Pretrial Release and
Minimize the Use of Financial Conditions
Researchers have tested the impact of counsel at first appearance on several outcomes related to
pretrial release decisions. Although the magnitude of the findings varies across and within studies,
the presence of counsel is associated with a decrease in the imposition of financial conditions of
release and a reduction in the rate of pretrial detention.26 The following are summaries of specific
studies and their findings.
• People spent fewer days in pretrial detention when counsel was appointed within 24 hours of
arrest. A multisite study (Palm Beach County, Florida; Passaic County, New Jersey; and Shelby County,
Tennessee) published in 1984 randomly assigned approximately 5,000 felony cases: people had a
public defender appointed either within 24 hours of arrest or later in their case. Across all sites, those
who acquired an attorney earlier spent, on average, 3 to 5 days in pretrial detention compared to
6 to 13 days for those who had an attorney appointed later. In two of the three sites, people with an
attorney at first appearance also had higher rates of release on recognizance (ranging from 51 percent
to 57 percent) than those without representation (ranging from 40 percent to 44 percent). Cases with
early counsel were also more likely to have their charges downgraded.27
• People were more likely to be released without financial conditions when they were represented
at a first appearance hearing. In 1998, the Lawyers at Bail (LAB) project in Baltimore selected a
pool of 300 people charged with nonviolent offenses and randomly assigned approximately half of
them to receive representation at the first court appearance of record—a bail review hearing held
24 hours after arrest. Those who received counsel were 2.5 times more likely to be released without
conditions compared to people who were unrepresented. If financial release conditions were set,
people who had counsel paid less: their monetary bond was reduced by five times the amount of
those in the comparison group.28
• More people were released without financial conditions in two of three participating New
Y ork counties, and lower bond amounts were set in all participating counties following
implementation of counsel at first appearance. Researchers constructed a sample of over
4,000 misdemeanor cases in 2013 and 2014 to understand how the release outcomes in three
rural counties in New Y ork State changed after the implementation of CAFA programs. During
the program, two of the three counties saw 9 percent to 10 percent more people released
9
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without conditions, whereas the third county saw a slight increase in the use of financial release
conditions. All three counties saw lower bond amounts set (less than $500), which translated to
people spending fewer days in pretrial detention.29
This study dealt with data challenges, making it difficult to conduct more rigorous statistical
analyses. Researchers also noted that other policies or changes in personnel could have impacted
arraignment decisions.
• The effects of counsel at first appearance are not uniform, but in a sample of felony cases in
two New Y ork State counties with a CAFA program, the amounts of people’s financial release
conditions were lower and they spent fewer days in pretrial detention. In a follow-up to the rural
New Y ork state study, researchers selected a sample of 600 felony cases drawn from two of the
three counties during the same period. One county saw about 6 percent more people released on
recognizance during the program period relative to the pre-program period, while the other county
saw a slight uptick (approximately 1 percent) in those who received financial conditions of release.
Both counties had lower amounts set as financial release conditions, and people spent fewer days
in pretrial detention during the program.
Collectively, both New Y ork studies (this one published in 2020) illustrate that the effects of CAFA
are not uniform across courts operating under the same statewide policies. The authors note that
this is a function of pretrial decisions being heavily influenced by “local legal cultures” that can
impact stakeholder buy-in for change.30 Like the previously mentioned New Y ork study, this study
dealt with data challenges, making it difficult to conduct more rigorous analyses and to draw strong
conclusions.
• Attorney presence at first appearance hearings increased the use of nonfinancial conditions and
showed short-term decreases of periods of pretrial detention. A field experiment involving more
than 4,000 bail hearings in Pittsburgh in 2019 and 2020 demonstrated that the presence of a public
defender increased the use of nonfinancial conditions of release (either release on recognizance
or nonmonetary release) by 22 percent relative to people who were not represented by counsel.31
This was particularly pronounced for those who would have been subject to lower bond amounts
($10,000 or less). Further analysis revealed that the presence of a public defender increased judges’
concurrence with the recommendations of a pretrial assessment instrument by approximately 9
percent as compared to those without counsel, reducing the likelihood that financial conditions of
release would be imposed. People who were appointed a public defender had shorter periods of
pretrial detention relative to the comparison group, but the effect dissipated at the two-week mark.
The effects of CAFA on pretrial detention rates were most prominent for those charged with nonviolent
offenses.32 However, cases with an attorney present at the bail hearing were more likely to be rearrested
for low-grade theft offenses within 180 days of the hearing. The authors note that the effect is unlikely to
be driven by changes in incapacitation.
10
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Can the Presence of Counsel at First Appearance Impact Later-Stage Outcomes?
Short Answer: Y es
Here’s Why: Several of these studies examined outcomes beyond rates of pretrial detention and
conditions of release. Researchers explored quantitative outcomes as well as the experiences of
criminal legal system stakeholders and impacted people. A handful of studies find that CAFA can
influence case processing and the experiences of attorneys and their clients.
• Case Processing: Findings from the 1984 multisite study illustrated that people who were
assigned a public defender at first appearance had earlier case resolutions relative to those who
received an attorney later. One consideration in launching CAFA programs is that reallocating
resources for use earlier in cases may impact the quality of representation at later stages. The
authors note, however, that the CAFA program did not produce a noticeable reduction in the
quality of services provided by each public defender’s office: two offices did not observe any
change in the number of cases proceeding to trial and one office observed an increase in trials.33
• Attorney/Client Relationships: Public defenders in two of the three sites in the 1984 study
expressed that the CAFA program improved their ability to build rapport and assert “client
control.” Clients who had counsel at their first appearance expressed that they were more
satisfied with the attorney for the life of their case relative to people in the comparison group.34
• Procedural Fairness: Interviews with people who received representation through Baltimore’s
LAB project reported greater satisfaction with the bail hearing process, felt the decision making
was thoughtful, and expressed willingness to comply with their conditions of release.35
Key Research Finding #2: Non-Lawyer Advocates
Can Enhance Information Gathering and
Defendant Engagement
In 2017, Philadelphia launched a pilot program in which non-lawyer “bail advocates” interviewed
people after their arrest to improve the collection of key information public defenders could use to
advocate for pretrial release at the bail hearing.36 This was meant to bridge the gap created when
people appeared remotely via video in the jail while attorneys were in a courtroom. Researchers
used nearly 100,000 criminal cases from before and during implementation of the pilot to determine
the impact early information gathering can have on key outcomes. Although the bail advocates did
not significantly affect bail hearing outcomes or pretrial detention rates, they reduced the likelihood
of violations of release conditions by 64 percent and future arrest by 26 percent. Stakeholders
expressed that the advocates improved magistrates’ calculations of risk through more detailed
information and defendants’ experience of procedural justice which could have facilitated better
compliance with release conditions.
11
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Key Research Finding #3: Access to Counsel Prior to
First Appearance Shows Promise
Select jurisdictions have made efforts to provide access to counsel prior to the first appearance
to maximize information gathering. One such example is the Pre-Trial Release Unit (PRU) in the
San Francisco Public Defender’s Office. The attorneys and investigator in the unit work with
select indigent clients to gather and coordinate information during the time between booking and
arraignment. To study the impact of PRU, researchers used administrative data to create a similar
comparison group and compared them to PRU cases. People in the PRU group were twice as likely
to be released at arraignment relative to the comparison group.37 Interviews conducted with public
defenders, staff, and former clients also highlighted that the information collected by PRU improved
the quality of decision making earlier in the process, thus minimizing the collateral consequences
associated with pretrial detention.38
In Santa Clara County, California (which includes the city of San Jose), the pretrial services departments
provide eligible low-income individuals with legal representation between their jail booking and
arraignment through the Pre-Arraignment Representation and Review (PARR) program. PARR
attorneys conduct in-person interviews for people held in jails where they collect information on the
case, community ties, employment, housing, and so forth. Subsequently, they use this information
to advocate for release prior to or at arraignment, begin investigations, communicate with the
prosecutor’s office, and connect individuals to community resources. PARR attorneys continue to work
with the client following arraignment as needed. Researchers found that PARR increased the rate of
release from custody by 25 percentage points and increased the likelihood of case dismissal by 36
percentage points.39
Conclusion
Providing meaningful representation at first appearance reduces pretrial detention, decreases the
use of financial conditions of release, promotes fairness in case dispositions, and may offer people
the opportunity to access supportive services. The tenets of the practice discussed above—
early appointment of counsel, attorney access to case information and documents, prompt and
private communication between attorney and client, and the opportunity for counsel to provide
information and make arguments—address many shortcomings present in many current pretrial
hearings. Counsel at first appearance creates a foundation of equity and fairness at the outset of
the adjudication process that may ripple throughout the entire criminal legal system.
12
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Notes
1 First appearance is also called initial appearance, advisement,
arraignment, bond hearing, or something else, depending on
the jurisdiction. See APPR’s two-page guide to meaningful first
appearance hearings.
2 Detention hearings take place only when a person is eligible
to be detained under state law and only when a prosecutor
requests, and the court orders, such a hearing. Otherwise,
the person is released at first appearance. Holding a
separate detention hearing is a best practice because it
guarantees that people are deprived of their liberty only after
a meaningful, fair process, and only when it is absolutely
necessary to protect the community and prevent flight. See
APPR’s two-page guide to pretrial detention hearings.
3 Colbert, D. L., Paternoster, R., & Bushway, S. (2002). Do
attorneys really matter? The empirical and legal case for the
right of counsel at bail. Cardozo Law Review, 23(5). 1719–1793.
https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/cgi/viewcontent.
cgi?article=1290&context=fac_pubs
4 U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. (2022). The civil rights
implications of cash bail. https://www.usccr.gov/files/2022-01/
USCCR-Bail-Reform-Report-01-20-22.pdf
5 Dobbie, W., & Yang, C. S. (2022). The economic costs of
pretrial detention. CATO Institute. cato.org/sites/cato.org/
files/2022-01/RB283.pdf
6 Rabuy, B. (2017). Pretrial detention costs $13.6 billion each
year. Prison Policy Initiative. prisonpolicy.org/blog/2017/02/07/
pretrial_cost/
7 Metzger, P. R., Hoeffel, J. C., Meeks, K. M., & Sidi, S. (2021).
Ending injustice: Solving the initial appearance crisis. Deason
Center. https://www.smu.edu/-/media/Site/Law/Deason-
Center/Publications/Public-Defense/Initial-Appearance-
Campaign/Ending-Injustice-Solving-The-Initial-Appearance-
Crisis-FINAL.pdf
8 Petterutti, A., & Walsh, N. (2008). Jailing communities:
The impact of jail expansion and effective public policy
strategies. Justice Policy Institute. https://justicepolicy.org/
wp-content/uploads/justicepolicy/documents/08-04_rep_
jailingcommunities_ac.pdf
9 Jones, S. (2020). Ending cash bail is a women’s rights issue.
Georgetown Journal of Gender and the Law, 22(1). www.law.
georgetown.edu/gender-journal/online/volume-xxii-online/
ending-cash-bail-is-a-womens-rights-issue/
10 Dobbie, W., Goldin, J., & Yang, C. S. (2018). The effects
of pretrial detention on conviction, future crime, and
employment: Evidence from randomly assigned judges.
American Economic Review, 108(2), 201–240. https://pubs.
aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/aer.20161503
11 Heaton, P., Mayson, S. G., & Stevenson, M. (2017). The
downstream consequences of misdemeanor pretrial
detention. Stanford Law Review, 69(3), 711–794. law.upenn.
edu/live/files/6467-harriscountybailstanford
12 DeMichele, M., Silver, I. A., Labrecque, R. M., Tueller, S., &
Lattimore, P. K. (2023). The benefits of early release from
pretrial detention. Advancing Pretrial Policy and Research.
https://tinyurl.com/32a2sart
13 This is merely a summary of what the current body of research
shows about the primary detriments associated with pretrial
detention. For more detailed information, please read APPR’s
full pretrial research summary.
14 Mrozinski, M., & Buetow, C. (2020). Access to counsel at first
appearance: A key component of pretrial justice. National
Legal Aid and Defender Association. nlada.org/node/34531
15 Metzger et al., 2021
16 Yarmosky, A. (2018). The impact of early representation: An
analysis of the San Francisco Public Defender’s Pre-Trial
Release Unit. California Policy Lab. https://www.capolicylab.
org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/Policy-Brief-Early-
Representation-Alena-Yarmosky.pdf
17 “Discoverable” information or documents must be made
available by one side in a legal case to the other side. Some
information may not be discoverable, either because it is not
relevant to the case or is classified. In a criminal proceeding,
discoverable information may include evidence from the crime
scene, such as photographs, police reports, booking reports,
preliminary medical reports, and transcriptions of statements
made by witnesses, law enforcement, or the defendant.
18 Mrozinski & Buetow, 2020, p. 27
19 Mrozinski & Buetow, 2020
20 Metzger et al., 2021
21 Wolf, R. V. (Host). (2020). Virtual court: Barriers to access and
fairness at initial appearances [Audio podcast episode]. In
In practice. Center for Court Innovation. innovatingjustice.
org/publications/practice-virtual-court-barriers-access-and-
fairness-initial-appearances
22 Diamond, S. S., Bowman, L. E., Wong, M., & Patton,
M. M. (2010). Efficiency and cost: The impact of
videoconferenced hearings on bail decisions. Journal
of Criminal Law and Criminology, 100(3), 869–902.
scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.
cgi?article=7365&context=jclc
23 Eagly, I. V. (2015). Remote adjudication in immigration.
Northwestern University Law Review, 109(4). 933–1020.
scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.
cgi?article=1217&context=nulr
24 Keith, D., & Bannon, A. (2020). Principles for continued use
of remote court proceedings. Brennan Center for Justice.
brennancenter.org/sites/default/files/2020-09/Principles%20
for%20Continued%20Use%20of%20Remote%20Court%20
Proceedings%20final_0.pdf
13
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25 APPR’s Roadmap for Pretrial Advancement includes “Convene
an Inclusive Policy Team” as one key component. Learn more
at https://advancingpretrial.org/improving-pretrial-justice/
implement-pretrial-improvements/convene-an-inclusive-
policy-team/.
26 In interpreting research results, it is helpful to note whether a
finding is statistically significant (reflecting the likelihood that
it does not occur from random chance) and the nature of the
difference observed (e.g., whether there was an increase or a
decrease, or how large the difference was between groups).
In applied research, many factors can influence statistical
significance, such as sample size and the composition of the
data. For the purposes of this guide, a descriptive approach
is taken to illustrate how counsel at first appearance may
influence specific outcomes. For more discussion on the
studies’ significance testing and data limitations, please see
the original source materials.
27 Fazio, E. F., Wexler, S., Foster, T., Lowy, M. J., & Sheppard, D.
(1984). Early representation by defense counsel field test:
Final evaluation report. U.S. Department of Justice, National
Institute of Justice, Office of Program Evaluation. https://www.
ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/Digitization/97596NCJRS.pdf
28 Colbert et al., 2002
29 Worden, A. P., Morgan, K. A., Shteynberg, R. V., & Davies, A.
L. B. (2018). What difference does a lawyer make? Impacts of
early counsel on misdemeanor bail decisions and outcomes
in rural and small town courts. Criminal Justice Policy Review,
29(6–7), 710–735. https://doi.org/10.1177/0887403417726133
30 Worden, A. P., Shteynberg, R. V., Morgan, K. A., & Davies,
A. L. B. (2020). The impact of counsel at first appearance
on pretrial release in felony arraignments: The case of rural
jurisdictions. Criminal Justice Policy Review, 31(6), 833–856.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0887403419873018
31 The field experiment alternated the timing of shifts where
a public defender was assigned at the bail hearing. This
produced two study groups (one group with an attorney vs.
one group without an attorney) comprised of roughly 2,000
cases in each group. The study design ensured the two
groups did not differ from one another on several factors
that could influence release recommendations (e.g., criminal
history, case characteristics) beyond the presence of counsel.
32 Anwar, S., Bushway, S. D., & Engberg, J. (2023). The impact
of defense counsel at bail hearings. Science Advances, 9(18).
https://www.science.org/doi/epdf/10.1126/sciadv.ade3909
33 Fazio et al., 1984
34 Fazio et al., 1984
35 Colbert et al., 2003
36 Heaton, P. (2021). Enhanced public defense improves pretrial
outcomes and reduces racial disparities. Indiana Law Journal,
96(3), 701–750. https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/cgi/
viewcontent.cgi?article=11415&context=ilj
37 Yarmosky, 2018
38 Yarmosky, 2018
39 Lacoe, J., Fischer, B., & Raphael, S. (2023). The effect of pre-
arraignment legal representation on criminal case outcomes
(No. w31289). National Bureau of Economic Research. https://
www.nber.org/papers/w31289#:~:text=Low%2Dincome%20
individuals%20who%20met,public%20defender%20at%20
their%20arraignment
14
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Source: St. Croix County website. First collected Oct 9, 2026.